The Road to Iraq: Part 5

Charter of the Project for the New American Century for which signers in bold either have in the past or are now serving in the George W. Bush Administration or have other relationships to him:

Statement of Principles

June 3, 1997

American foreign and defense policy is adrift. Conservatives have criticized the incoherent policies of the Clinton Administration. They have also resisted isolationist impulses from within their own ranks. But conservatives have not confidently advanced a strategic vision of America's role in the world. They have not set forth guiding principles for American foreign policy. They have allowed differences over tactics to obscure potential agreement on strategic objectives. And they have not fought for a defense budget that would maintain American security and advance American interests in the new century.

We aim to change this. We aim to make the case and rally support for American global leadership.

As the 20th century draws to a close, the United States stands as the world's preeminent power. Having led the West to victory in the Cold War, America faces an opportunity and a challenge: Does the United States have the vision to build upon the achievements of past decades? Does the United States have the resolve to shape a new century favorable to American principles and interests?

We are in danger of squandering the opportunity and failing the challenge. We are living off the capital -- both the military investments and the foreign policy achievements -- built up by past administrations. Cuts in foreign affairs and defense spending, inattention to the tools of statecraft, and inconstant leadership are making it increasingly difficult to sustain American influence around the world. And the promise of short-term commercial benefits threatens to override strategic considerations. As a consequence, we are jeopardizing the nation's ability to meet present threats and to deal with potentially greater challenges that lie ahead.

We seem to have forgotten the essential elements of the Reagan Administration's success: a military that is strong and ready to meet both present and future challenges; a foreign policy that boldly and purposefully promotes American principles abroad; and national leadership that accepts the United States' global responsibilities.

Of course, the United States must be prudent in how it exercises its power. But we cannot safely avoid the responsibilities of global leadership or the costs that are associated with its exercise. America has a vital role in maintaining peace and security in Europe, Asia, and the Middle East. If we shirk our responsibilities, we invite challenges to our fundamental interests. The history of the 20th century should have taught us that it is important to shape circumstances before crises emerge, and to meet threats before they become dire. The history of this century should have taught us to embrace the cause of American leadership.

Our aim is to remind Americans of these lessons and to draw their consequences for today. Here are four consequences:

• we need to increase defense spending significantly if we are to carry out our global
responsibilities today and modernize our armed forces for the future;

• we need to strengthen our ties to democratic allies and to challenge regimes hostile to our interests and values;

• we need to promote the cause of political and economic freedom abroad;

• we need to accept responsibility for America's unique role in preserving and extending an international order friendly to our security, our prosperity, and our principles.

Such a Reaganite policy of military strength and moral clarity may not be fashionable today. But it is necessary if the United States is to build on the successes of this past century and to ensure our security and our greatness in the next.

Elliott Abrams (Special Assistant to the President and Senior Director on the National Security Council for Near East and North African Affairs, Deputy National Security Advisor for Global Democracy Strategy under George W. Bush. Conviction in 1991 on two misdemeanor counts of unlawfully withholding information from Congress during the Iran-Contra Affair investigation.)

Gary Bauer

William J. Bennett

Jeb Bush (Brother of George W. Bush)

Dick Cheney (Vice-president of the United States under George W. Bush)

Eliot A. Cohen (Counselor to the U.S. State Department under George W. Bush)

Midge Decter

Paula Dobriansky (Under-Secretary of State for Democracy & Global Affairs under George W. Bush)

Steve Forbes

Aaron Friedberg (Deputy Assistant for National-Security Affairs and Director of Policy Planning under George W. Bush)

Francis Fukuyama

Frank Gaffney

Fred C. Ikle

Robert Kagan (Foreign-policy advisor to Vice President Dick Cheney)

Zalmay Khalilzad (U.S. Ambassador to Afghanistan and U.S. Ambassador to Iraq, present Permanent US Representative to the UN under George W. Bush.)

I. Lewis Libby (Chief of Staff for Vice-President Richard Cheney, whose sentence was commuted by President George W. Bush

Norman Podhoretz (Awarded the Presidential Medal of Freedom by George W. Bush, the highest honor the U.S. president can bestow on a civilian.)

Dan Quayle

Peter W. Rodman (United States Assistant Secretary of Defense for International Security Affairs under George W. Bush.)

Stephen P. Rosen

Henry S. Rowen (Secretary of Defense Policy Advisory Board, member of the Commission on Intelligence Capabilities of the United States Regarding Weapons of Mass Destruction uncdder George W. Bush.)

Donald Rumsfeld (Secretary of Defense under George W. Bush)

Vin Weber (Republican Party stratagist. Served as the Bush-Cheney '04 Campaign Plains States Regional Chairman)

George Weigel

Paul Wolfowitz (U.S. Deputy Secretary of Defense (2001-2005) under George W. Bush. Author (along with I. Lewis Libby) of Defense Planning Guidance for the 1994-99 fiscal years (Wolfowitz Docterine).)